European Union institutions after Britain’s exit from the European Union

It seems that the dynamic of European disintegration embodied in Britain’s exit from the European Union has not been confirmed in recent years. No Danish, Greek or Italian government party is any longer defending their country’s exit from the union. Even the populist and Eurosceptic governments at the head of Hungary and Poland have shown no intention of leaving the union. In France, the head of the National Rally, Marine Le Pen, has also abandoned the idea of ​​leaving the union and the eurozone.

On the other hand, the multiple crises of the first decade of the twenty-first century reinforced the need for European governance with a shifting architecture that combines two political dynamics a priori Opposites: Institutional Integration and Differentiation.

“Horizontal” differentiation is regional: the countries of the European continent no longer all share the same societal politics. For example, Denmark, a member of the Union, decided not to participate in the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) by making use of the withdrawal mechanism (pulling outstipulated in the treaties. Only 19 of the 27 EU member states belong to the eurozone. On the other hand, Norway, which is not an EU country, is part of the Erasmus University Exchange Program run by the European Commission.

“Vertical” differentiation distinguishes sectors of public work according to the level of centralization of power between the Union and the Member States. For example, only the Federation can legislate on monetary matters (“exclusive jurisdiction”), while states can equally legislate the Federation in the transportation or energy sector (“joint jurisdiction”).

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In other areas, such as culture or tourism, the Federation is not competent to legislate (“support jurisdiction”). He has “special skills” as in foreign and security policy, enabling him to support and coordinate the work of member states.

Finally, the “transversal” differentiation shapes the union through the formation of transnational coalitions that are formed according to, for example, a profession (diplomat, journalist or lobbyist) and a public program of work (liberal, sovereign or environmentalists).

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